Hasta ahora lo habitual ha sido afirmar que las legislaturas son incapaces de asumir la tarea de elaborar leyes de alcance nacional porque en sus cámaras suelen dominar los intereses locales. Por lo tanto, el modo de evitar la dispersión de propósitos es dotar al gobierno con amplias atribuciones a fin de enfrentar esa situación.
Monday, September 21, 2015, marked the one year anniversary of the death of Paola Acosta, a woman who suffered her fate at the hands of her ex-partner1, Gonzalo Lizarralde. She was raped, killed and dumped in a sewer together with her one-year-old daughter, Martina, who she had in common with her attacker. Remarkably, Martina survived. Wednesday, September 23, Gonzalo Lizarralde, marked the first day of the prosecution for the murder of Paola2.
On September 3, 2015, the president of Guatemala resigned after being charged with fraud, illicit association and corruption.1 Less than a week later, in Mexico, the government account of what happened to 43 missing students was discredited, calling into question the integrity of everyone from Mexico’s military to the president himself.2 Neither of these things could have happened without a key element of the investigations: two external investigatory commissions, organized by the UN and the OAS respectively, which turned out reports negating the validity of
China’s recent mini economic collapse this past summer caused mayhem not only within its borders but thousands of miles away in many Latin American countries. Ever since the early 2000s China has been one of the leading foreign investors across Latin America in countries such as Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela.
The race for the president of the United States is nearing the finish line and Republican candidate Donald J. Trump and Democrat opponent Hillary Clinton have been pushing harder than ever to win the votes of the American people. Most recently, this week CNN aired what was the most-watched presidential debate in the history of the United States. While both candidates muddled through their respective weaknesses, one story that was exposed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has since dealt a serious blow to entrepreneur Donald Trump’s campaign.
Over the last 15 years, the cult of La Santa Muerte (St. Death) has attracted a remarkable number of followers in Mexico and the USA. Considered a sacred female personification of death by her devotees, she has been the object of global curiosity since it first became public in 2001 in Mexico City. Mexican and international journalists, novelists, and scholars have since then been fascinated by the photogenic Santa Muerte, with the tangible result that most major broadcasters have shown scenes of devotees praying, deeply moved, in front of a skeleton figurine in Baroque dress.
La particular historia de Deep Politics. Community Adaptations to Political Clientelism in Twenty-Firt-Century Mexico comienza a partir de una búsqueda en el Google Scholar. En la labor de encontrar indicadores de calidad a sus publicaciones, el profesor González-Fuente detectó que uno de sus primeros artículos sobre clientelismo político (González-Fuente, 2007) había sido citado por la profesora Hagene.
Social media are often credited with facilitating protest and revolution, from the Arab Spring to the Occupy movement following the post-2008 financial crisis, and elsewhere. But they have never been the only form of communicating grievance in a way which draws protesters together.
This Sunday, 12 of the 32 Mexican states hold gubernatorial elections and one constitutional assembly race (Mexico City). Also, in total, the “Elecciones Locales” will define 965 majors, 239 local deputies by the majority principle and 149 local deputies by the proportional principle.1
Speaking to a crowd in the southern state of Chiapas in February, a region with the largest indigenous population in Mexico, Pope Francis condemned what he called “the systemic and organized way your people have been misunderstood and excluded from society” (Puella and Bernstein, 2016). These misunderstandings and exclusion have created in Mexico a situation in which indigenous communities face significantly higher rates of poverty, a problem that impacts their overall quality of life and access to basic resources for 12.6 percent of the population.