Richard J. Kilroy, a professor of regional and analytical studies at the National Defense University, Abelardo Rodríguez Sumano, a professor of international studies and international security at the University of Guadalajara, and Todd S. Hataley, an adjunct professor at the Royal Military College of Canada and research fellow at the Centre for International and Defense Policy at Queen’s University, discuss the security relations between the United States, Canada, and Mexico in North American Regional Security: A Trilateral Framework.
Cuenta Piergorgio Sandri, que alguna vez le preguntaron al polémico presidente de Guinea Ecuatorial, Teodoro Obiang, si se consideraba un dictador, a lo que contestó: “Si el dictador es el que dicta las leyes… ¡entonces sí soy un dictador!”.
Mexico is a country with a rich constitutional history. The first constitution enacted in Mexican territory -when it was still called New Spain- was the 1812 Spanish Constitution. In 1814, insurgent rebels published their own rival constitution in Apatzingán (in the present day state of Michoacán). Once Mexico achieved independence in 1821, political debate assumed that the first challenge for the new nation was the drawing up of constitution.
Since the 1990s, Mexican drug cartels have become billion dollar operations and their capacity has grown dramatically. In 2006, president Felipe Calderón Hinojosa began deploying the military and federal police to perform counter-narcotics operations in various regions of the country. The armed conflict that ensued converted many communities into virtual war zones and left hundreds of thousands dead, missing, or displaced from home and community.
More than ten years ago I started to reflect on how sociology is seizing Latin America as an object of study. My goal was to acquire more knowledge about sociology in and about Latin America. But, perhaps at least as importantly, my goal was also to understand how sociology is representing the region and how it is participating in its transformation. At a more conceptual level, I was interested in how sociology selects social problems and suggests social change. Ultimately, this is helping me forge opinions about knowledge and social sciences.
Aunque parezca sorprendente, de 2006 a 2013 ni un solo secuestrador ha sido condenado en el Estado de Guerrero. A través de la solicitud de transparencia con folio 0013214, la Procuraduría General de Justicia del Estado de Guerrero (PGJEG) ha revelado que de 1990 a 2013 han sido emitidas 76 sentencias condenatorias. De esas sentencias ninguna fue emitida durante los últimos siete años, lo cual nos pone de manifiesto un sistema de procuración de justicia prácticamente inoperante, al menos en el tema de secuestro.
While many eyes are turned towards the humanitarian crisis engulfing the Middle East and extending into Europe, many have lost focus on the humanitarian crisis that is taking place in the United States, Mexico, and Central America. Although less immigrant children from the Central American countries of Guatemala due to tougher border control, Honduras, and El Salvador are being apprehended at the U.S./Mexico border, that does not mean less children are attempting the journey.
Hasta ahora lo habitual ha sido afirmar que las legislaturas son incapaces de asumir la tarea de elaborar leyes de alcance nacional porque en sus cámaras suelen dominar los intereses locales. Por lo tanto, el modo de evitar la dispersión de propósitos es dotar al gobierno con amplias atribuciones a fin de enfrentar esa situación.
Monday, September 21, 2015, marked the one year anniversary of the death of Paola Acosta, a woman who suffered her fate at the hands of her ex-partner1, Gonzalo Lizarralde. She was raped, killed and dumped in a sewer together with her one-year-old daughter, Martina, who she had in common with her attacker. Remarkably, Martina survived. Wednesday, September 23, Gonzalo Lizarralde, marked the first day of the prosecution for the murder of Paola2.
On September 3, 2015, the president of Guatemala resigned after being charged with fraud, illicit association and corruption.1 Less than a week later, in Mexico, the government account of what happened to 43 missing students was discredited, calling into question the integrity of everyone from Mexico’s military to the president himself.2 Neither of these things could have happened without a key element of the investigations: two external investigatory commissions, organized by the UN and the OAS respectively, which turned out reports negating the validity of