El 10 de octubre, Lucía Pérez, una argentina de 16 años fue brutalmente violada y asesinada en la ciudad de Mar del Plata. Esto ha llevado a una protesta masiva convocada en Argentina en contra de los femicidios (o asesinatos de mujeres por razones de género) en particular y contra la violencia de género en general. De hecho, también hubo protestas en ciudades de toda América Latina y también en Europa y Estados Unidos por este y otros casos recientes (BBC Mundo, 2016). ¿Cuál es la historia de violencia de género en América Latina, y qué es el movimiento #NiUnaMenos?
On September 10, 2016 the French pharmaceutical company that produces the dengue vaccine, the only one of its kind in the world at the moment, sold 1 million vaccines in Mexico alone. However, the vaccine is only present in the private sector. That is, the vaccine is only available via doctors and clinics, and not yet available to public health institutions.
When one considers Mexican immigration to the U.S., many envision groups of poor families sluggishly yet relentlessly crossing numerous boundaries in order to reach the land presumed to abound with opportunities. However, in some cases, the families that cross the U.S./Mexican border are not impoverished but affluent, using the resources they have to escape the violence that continually looms over them.
El estado de Michoacán, México está convirtiendo en un campo de batalla entre el pueblo y los carteles. En respuesta a la violencia que trae el cartel Caballeros Templarios a esta región, grupos vigilantes forman para protegerse.
Earlier this week, the Mexican government announced the legalization of growing vigilante groups. The government came to an agreement with the vigilante groups to integrate into the already existing quasi-military groups named the Rural Defense Corps.
Latin America has long been a region strongly influenced by the Catholic Church and macho attitudes and because of these long standing traditions, intolerance and even violence against sexual diversity is common.
Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán had long been a thorn in the side of the Mexican government. He made the Forbes list as one of the richest men in the world more than once, reportedly had operations in over 50 countries, and according to the US State Department, had long surpassed Pablo Escobar’s reach and influence with an untold number of corrupt officials at all levels of government working for him.
In a country that has been battling extreme drug-related violence in a seemingly endless war, mixed opinions regarding the government’s action parallel the uncertainty that surrounds the country’s future. “El regreso del Chapo,” a narcocorrido sung by El Komander begins with the following idolization of one of Mexico’s most infamous perpetrators, Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Lorea:
“No hay chapo que no sea bravo"
Así lo dice el refrán
In Mexico, the lime has long stood as a staple of popular food and culture. It is used by most Mexicans in everyday cooking and drinks but lately many have been forced to reduce their consumption. Lime prices have skyrocketed due to shortages, and on average have doubled every month this year.1 Various factors such as climate change, citrus diseases, and the on-going violence caused by drug trafficking have led to this shortage.
Over the last few years, inhabitants of the western Mexican state of Michoacán have been forced to evacuate, a difficult task considering the high proportion of livelihoods tied to agriculture, or adapt to an increasingly insecure environment. This insecurity is of course tied to the infiltration of drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) which have permeated private and public spheres of everyday life in Michoacán by causing violence and instability, disrupting trade and commerce, and corrupting public officials if not holding office outright.