Similar to various other Latin American countries, Brazil suffered through a right-wing military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985.1 The aim of this dictatorship was to eliminate any and all threats of communist uprising within the country. This is similar to Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay, but, unlike such countries, Brazil has only now acknowledged the torture and other atrocities committed during the 21-year dictatorship.
Despite the return of electoral democracy to most of Latin America in the 1980s and early 1990s, thousands of protesters continue to be arbitrarily arrested, injured, or even killed by police.1 At the most extreme, dramatic events result in many people losing their lives to police violence. For example, during the December 2001 economic and political crisis in Argentina, 39 protesters were killed. Yet such repressive protest policing is not limited to dramatic and destabilizing events.
In her first presidential speech in 2005, Michelle Bachelet remarked, “Who would have said…15 years ago that a woman would be elected president?”1 Yet many countries, such as the United States, have not been able to celebrate the election of a woman as head-of-state. Worldwide, representation of women in politics remains low: as of January 2015, only 22 percent of all national legislators were women.
La campaña electoral de Michelle Bachelet para las elecciones presidenciales de 2013 estuvo sustentada sobre los pilares del reformismo.
Much attention has been given to the fact that both the World Cup and Olympics are being held in Brazil and for good reason, they showcase the hosting country on the international stage. The sporting events allow the host country, and even the surrounding region to a lesser extent, the ability to put its best foot forward and signal its growth, stability, and good governance. While these two mega-events receive international attention, they are not the only international sporting events that take place in South America.
Despite Chile’s rich traditions of literary writing, relatively little attention has been paid to women writers and their contribution to the national and the Latin American canon until the past couple of decades in comparison with their male counterparts. In this article I will draw on scholarly, critical, and personal/anecdotal insights to discuss a number of both established and emerging women writers.
On September 16th, 2015, Chile was hit, yet again, by a strong earthquake. The 8.3 magnitude quake was centered in the northern region of Coquimbo, 285 miles north of the capital and largest city, Santiago, and caused flooding in more southern regions such as Illapel, only 177 miles from the capital. Only five years ago in 2010, Chile was struck by another large earthquake but with much more serious consequences.
On Monday September 21st, Héctor Tobar kicked off the Literary Monday Night Lecture Series presented by Pittsburgh Arts and Lectures with a discussion of his latest book, Deep Down Dark: The Untold Stories of 33 Men Buried in a Chilean Mine and the Miracle That Set Them Free. His book is the story of the 33 Chilean miners who were trapped unground for 69 days in 2010, a story that sparked international interest.
On September 28th, 2015, world leaders met at the UN Headquarters in New York to discuss, among other issues, the mass migration of Syrian and Middle Eastern refugees to Europe. The migration of people from the war torn region of the Middle East has put tremendous strains on European infrastructure, has tested the limits of their foreign policy, and has generated an unprecedented migration crisis. While Europe is bearing most of the brunt of the refugees, other countries like the United States and Brazil have vowed to open their doors to Syrian refugees in the coming years.
La implementación de las reformas de modernización inspiradas en la Nueva Gestión Pública (NGP) provocó efectos positivos, pero también generó algunas consecuencias no deseadas.1 En varios países, las reformas llevaron a una mayor complejidad institucional, debilitaron la capacidad de los gobiernos para resolver problemas ciudadanos y generaron una fragmentación del gobierno al imponer objetivos y metas específicas a cada agencia debilitando la acción coordinada entre ellas.