When Ecuador held an election to choose their next president in mid-February, candidate Lenín Moreno had a clear advantage over the seven other contenders, with over 10% more of the vote than the runner-up, Guillermo Lasso. But when Moreno’s final share of the vote, at 39.36%, came up just short of the 40% needed to win, it became clear that a runoff election would be needed. Suddenly a victory by Moreno was not such a sure thing, and polls started to point to a possible triumph by rival Lasso.
News and Politics
As President Donald Trump has assembled what seems to be one of the most male-dominated cabinets in recent U.S. history, many are wondering what a female president might have done in his place. It is worth looking at Latin America—which has elected female presidents more times than any other region of the world—for lessons on how and why female presidents use their power differently from their male counterparts. In Latin America, presidents have virtually no formal restrictions on who they can nominate (i.e. no legislative body approves the presidents’ ministerial picks).
A comienzos del año 1992, el entonces Presidente de los Estados Unidos, George Bush, era considerado imbatible por la mayoría de los analistas políticos, fundamentalmente debido a sus éxitos en política exterior, como el fin de la Guerra Fría y la Guerra del Golfo Pérsico.
La guerra contra las drogas que tiene lugar en Latinoamérica ha impactado el desarrollo de los países de la región y la vida cotidiana de sus ciudadanos. El último reporte de la Oficina para las Drogas y el Crimen de las Naciones Unidas (UNODC) reporta en 2014 una tasa de 26 homicidios por 100 mil habitantes para Centroamérica, comparada con una tasa de menos de 5 por 100 mil habitantes para América del Norte y de menos de 2 por 100 mil habitantes en Europa. Venezuela, Colombia y Brasil tienen tasas similares a las de Centroamérica.
When the Colombian Congress approved the peace agreement with the country’s largest dissident guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), at the end of November 2016, the accord was hailed as a triumph: the long-awaited end to fifty
The direct recall referendum – a bottom-up mechanism of direct democracy (MDD) activated by signature collection among citizens and designed to remove an elected authority from office – has become one of the most intensively used mechanisms of citizen participation in South America, particularly in the Andean countries. To give some examples, between 1997 and 2013, more than 5,000 recall referendums were activated against democratically elected authorities from 747 Peruvian municipalities (45.5 percent of all municipalities).